| Abstract | The effect of market liberalization on women's lives has been documented extensively in
literature on structural adjustment policies and on policies under transitional economy
from socialism to capitalism. The evidence points out that market liberalization has both
positive and negative effects on women's social position. On the one hand, women's
status is reported to have improved by increased employment opportunities. On the other
hand, women are pressured to work for economic betterment, their working conditions
deteriorated and their double-work burden increased. Women still occupied lower status
both within and outside home. Traditional values emphasizing the subordination of
women are reported to have been strengthened. This study deals with the question
whether market can penetrate into cultural values to change the social definition of
women and women's subordination by undertaking a case study of women retail traders
in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. The fieldwork was done in market places of Phnom Penh in
the early 1997. The interviewees consisted of 249 women retail traders and 5 women
owners of corporate enterprises.
During 1975-79, under the Democratic Kampuchea regime, no private property or market
transactions were allowed. In 1979, with the collapse of the Democratic Kampuchea
regime, a socialist government was formed in Cambodia. This was followed by a period
of socio-economic space when private property and commercial activities were allowed,
though only to a limited degree. It was during this period that a large number of women
set up their small-size retail trades in Phnom Penh. Since 1989, Cambodia experienced
the beginnings of market liberalization. Under this process, inflation and unemployment
also rose. At the same time, Cambodia enjoyed GDP growth especially in the tertiaiy
sector. The need to sustain the family pushed many more women to follow an earlier
trend of setting up small/micro businesses in Phnom Penh.
Cambodian women traditionally have been household financial managers, and enjoyed
considerable decision making power in their home. In doing retail business, they have
had considerable access to and control over market places, capital and credit, and
business income. Nevertheless, women have the full responsibility for domestic work
and provide for the maintenance of the household.
Women retail traders in this study are categorized into four: (1) Government officer
families. Women traders in this group had market stalls or shops and the husbands of
these women were working in the government. These women came from middle-class
backgrounds and have received higher education. (2) Business families. Women traders
in this group had market stalls or shops and their husbands were engaged in businesses,
either jointly with women or independently. These women have been raised in a business
environment. If the husband and wife did the business together, there was a clear
division of labor that the wife managed the shop and husband did the business related work but outside the shop. (3) Petty trader families. Women in this group sold
perishable items in market stalls. (4) Laborer families. Women in this group were street
vendors, hawkers, and traders in market without any stall. These women are poorer than
other groups and a large number of them are single women (widows and divorced). The
four types of women traders have different preferences in their retail trades. Women of
government officer families paid attention to maintaining their husbands' occupation in
the government. Women of business families emphasized their business growth.
Women of petty trader families did business as a way of life, and operated independently
with least support from their families. Laborer families were struggling for their basic
survival on a day to day basis.
Even though most of their businesses were small, 72% of the respondents considered
themselves successful, and nearly 60% of them felt that their position in the household
improved as a result of their own business. Such positive perception of themselves was
supported by recognition in the family and community.
This social recognition partly comes from women possessing money of their own. The
recognition is also accorded to women who support their family through earnings from
business, since such act conforms to the image of ideal woman; sri grap lakkhana, "a
perfectly virtuous woman". This image, however, consisted of two contradictory images:
a quiet and subservient woman who keeps the household in good order; and a capable
and enabling woman who leads the family to financial prosperity. It is the conformity to
the latter image that if they have a business of their own, their contribution to the family
and society is more likely to be recognized.
Women traders from government officer families felt positive about their roles because
they were able to support their husbands to sustain their government jobs. A woman is
socially judged not only by her achievements but also by the position of her husband. In
the social hierarchy, government employee has a higher status than a merchant.
Therefore, it is to the woman's advantage to keep her husband's status as a government
employee by supporting him financially through her retail trade.
The social definition of women supports the active, independent economic role of
women. In order to be more effective in carrying out this role, women's image of "hien"
(daring, assertive) is changing from a culturally undesirable to a socially positive and
desirable one. Nevertheless, it works as a restriction and confines women to their
domestic role, putting all the responsibilities of household chores and maintenance,
including financial support on women. Despite their independent income through the
business, women still have weaker bargaining power in the household. Women's business
and the environment that make their business thrive, have not effectively challenged the
persistent unequal gender relations in the household and society. The social definition of
women is working as an unnamed power to keep women from questioning these existing
social arrangements and gender relations. There is thus a need not only to change the
material base but also a need for ideological change to overcome the subordination of
women. |